In this week of continuing political scrutiny of An Garda Síochána’s performance when confronting serious public disorder in Dublin, I offer the following as an effective framework to review the Garda’s operation:
: What was the quantity and pace of information flow? Were sufficient intelligence gathering and analytical resources in place on the day to process raw information into credible intelligence on which commanders could devise credible working strategies?
: What was the outcome of Garda commanders’ interpretation of that intelligence product into a translation of risk facing members of the public, their property, gardaí and perpetrators? How was that risk assessment articulated into objectives for the Garda operation by the cadre of commanders at strategic, operational and tactical (ie street) levels? How did the risk assessment impact on the level of resourcing and style of policing?
For example, did early, unclear intelligence deem it unwise for Garda planners to immediately denude other Garda divisions of gardaí otherwise to be deployed to address clearly defined and immediate risks to life elsewhere? Within the Garda’s Dublin Metropolitan Region, what was the level of deployable public-order trained personnel available to commanders to surge capacity and capability of the public order unit?
: What lawful powers and internal policies did Garda commanders consider utilising? How did the shape of these powers and policies prompt commanders to prioritise and constrain actions, so that Garda use of force was proportionate, lawful, accountable, and necessary?
: Every commander has options and must make contingencies. Options available included choosing to rely on the capture of digital images of perpetrators, rather than using force in arresting them at the scene. In this, and in all decisions that commanders ought to have formally logged on that day, were choices made proportionate to the risk, as defined by the intelligence? If so were they acceptable choices in terms of lawfulness, accountability and necessity?
: Crucially, how often was intelligence reviewed and the plans dynamically updated? Were plan changes, as they occurred, clearly communicated to reflect fast escalating levels of threat, risk and harm? What about proportionate de-escalation?
What measures were in place — from the very commencement of the operation — to reassure the public and return policing, especially neighbourhood engagement, to a normal state? In totality and specifically, did Garda actions on the day reflect the stated objectives, resourcing and style of policing set out in commanders’ planning?
UK policing’s National Decision Model, developed by the College of Policing and which this writer utilises here, puts ethics at the centre of policing decision-making.
The onus upon public office holders to uphold ethical decision-making extends to politicians who have, unfortunately, already chosen to distract problem-solving efforts by simplistically calling for heads.
In almost two months of witnessing the bloodshed in Gaza, what a welcome relief it has been to view the coverage of Israeli hostages and Palestinian prisoners being released.
Looking at the jubilant crowds greeting prisoners in the West Bank, it’s difficult not to think of the iconic scene of the release of the Guildford Four in 1989. The remainder of Gerry Conlon’s life was haunted by what he wrongfully suffered in prison. What can these freed Palestinians expect, amidst the ongoing massacre of their people, the ethnic cleansing of Gaza, the stony faces of the international community?
The new name for Trinity College’s Berkeley Library should be the Katie Taylor Library.
She’s a great role model, an inspirational and encouraging example to all genders and all ages.
And she remains a grounded, all-round beautiful person.
Tánaiste Micheál Martin claims that the triple lock mechanism requiring the UN Security Council’s approval before Irish peacekeeping forces can be deployed abroad is an infringement of Irish sovereignty.
Rather than undermining Irish sovereignty, the UN component of the triple lock prevents Irish governments from joining international military alliances which would then certainly threaten Ireland’s sovereignty.
I concur with Des O’Driscoll’s article on the big increase in attendance at the 68-year-old cinema extravaganza — ‘Cork Film Festival comes to a close amidst big increase in audiences’ Irish Examiner, November 27.
With the Gate Cinema in Cork City centre due to reopen in December under the new and exciting stewardship of the Arc Cinema group, things are definitely looking up on Leeside for cinephiles and their friends this holiday season.